By Alter Meirovitz. Original page 162 [Hebrew] and p.355 [Yiddish] Translation in full: Hannah Kadmon
Our shtetl was conquered by the German army on Wednesday the 25th of June 1941.
Many of the Jewish fugitives from our city were forced to return to the occupied city because the German army advanced rapidly to the east and closed on the fugitives. In some cases, Soviet soldiers prevented the fugitives from crossing the old border between Poland and Russia.
The Germans’ cruel treatment of the Jewish population was revealed at once. A police composed of Poles and Belarussians was organized to help carry out all their orders.
Hunting and abduction of Jews for work started on the second day. To frighten them, they had all the Jews assemble in the market square and watch them shoot on the spot 4 youths who were late to report. Then the order was that all the Jews were to wear on their sleeves yellow strips in the form of a Magen David which were later replaced with yellow, 10cm square patches, on the shoulder and on the chest. Bitter was the fate of a Jew – old or young, healthy or sick - who did not report for work or did not wear the patch as requested. If a Nazi murderer did not like the looks of a Jew, he shot him on the spot. Every day people were shot.
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The 24th of October, “Black Friday”, was a preview to the mass massacre of the 30th of October. On that Friday, the Judenrat was ordered to have 34 Jews report immediately to the German commander under the pretext that they were to help with distribution of potatoes to the urban population. I was among the people supposed to report. Because I was not home, my father reported instead of me. These Jews were imprisoned until the lighting of the Sabbath candles and then were led in a truck to the Catholic cemetery at the end of Nisviz’ street. They were shot and their bodies were thrown into pre-prepared sand pits. The atmosphere was of mourning and panic. On Wednesday, the 29th of October, the Jews - with no exception - were ordered to assemble at 6 o’clock the next morning, without any belongings. Whoever did not obey – was to be executed. The purpose for this assembly was not explained. According to rumors, a ghetto was going to be established in the barracks, at the edge of Nisviaz’ street. Even before 6 o’clock, the market square was full of Jews. Almost everybody reported except for several hundreds who dared escape to the close neighborhood for the time being.
At precisely 6 o’clock, workers of the Judenrat came and arranged the people in lines in alphabetical order. Then a selection started, by professions. In the meanwhile, armed Lithuanian policemen, on light tanks, arrived, surrounded the square on all sides, separated the “professionals” from the rest and started leading them in the direction of Jewish street. Panic and fear of the unknown made people run from group to group without knowing which group was safe. My mother advised us to join the professionals. (Unfortunately we did not succeed in making her join us). We were led to the big synagogue.
At the entrance of the synagogue, the cruel Nazi commander carried out an additional selection. He took out 100 Jews and returned them to the market square. The rest, 1500 people were held imprisoned in the synagogue under heavy guard until very late at night. We did not know what the fate of the people in the square was and what was in store for us. We had grave apprehensions that the Nazis were going to blow us with the building, as was the case in other places under German occupation.
Suddenly the door was opened and Eizik Tziuk and his wife, miraculously save from death by the commander himself, stood there. They told us of the fate of our brothers in the market square. Groups of sixties were led to the sand pits next to the Catholic cemetery. Three graves were prepared ahead of time: 20 meters long, 2 meters broad and 2 meters deep. The commandant ordered them to undress and lie in lines when a torrent of bullets shot them. Lines after lines of living people were forced to lie on top of the others, some still breathing. Then the shooting continued. They were all lying in the pits - some still between life and death - until they were covered with sand. 3880 people were murdered for the mere guilt of being Jewish.
The Nazi commandant, pleased with the successful operation, appeared before us later. “Everything went well” he said. That night our names were checked and registered, we were divided into small groups and apartments were allotted to us in the ghetto that was set up previously.
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The area of the ghetto included the following streets and squares: the right side of the Zarnobi street, up to the alley. The right side of the alley up to Snivka street. The right side of this latter street up to Jewish street, the right side of this street up to the market square, except for the houses of the square up to Zarnobi street. In the center of the ghetto was the Synagogues-square. A three meters high barbed wire fence separated us from the outside world. The only entrance and exit was next to the shulkhan (a small synagogue) on Jewish street.
The Judenrat organized under the leadership of Yitkhak Tzerkovitz had full rule over the ghetto. The second day after the murder, all the inhabitants of the ghetto gathered in the yard of the synagogue and the factories owners in the shtetl selected from them those fit for work. Those who were chosen were happy because it made it possible for them to be out of the ghetto and make some contacts with the outside world.
Gradually a new routine was established adapting to the circumstances. The Belarussian police was guarding the ghetto. Going out of the ghetto was absolutely prohibited, except to work. Those who were fit were forced to work and got 260 grams of bread a day, and those who did not work got only 125 grams. That was the only foodstuff provided for us. Special Jewish brigades were formed to collect the property that was left in the deserted houses. It was all transferred to the barracks. Many houses were demolished to get material for heating. The attitude of the Belarussian citizens was not very bad. With time the inhabitants of the ghetto dared to bring in all kinds of foodstuff and we had even a black market. The price of butter was between 150 and 200 mark per kilo. Food/pood of flour was 300 mark and potatoes – 50 mark. Over time, those who ran away for fear of the mass massacre, returned to the ghetto and the number of the inhabitants rose to above 1400 souls.
Rumors of mass extermination and liquidation in the surrounding cities and shtetls around us spread among the Jewish population. We were desperate. Still we saw some sparkles of hope. Secretly small groups were organizing with the aim of running away and joining the partisans about whom we heard a lot.
Months went by and the situation got worse. Despite the promises of the the yudenrat [the Jewish Council] that we were in no danger and the massacres would not happen again, the inhabitants started preparing bunkers. Everyone started looking for some kind of way to escape from a bitter end. We received news from the nearby shtetls that the Nazis got wise to the bunkers as a means of being saved and they found the unfortunates even there and in other hiding places. The youth started planning how to struggle and be saved. The Judenrat believed the promises of the Germans and decided to disrupt all these plans. They were afraid for the old and the children in the ghetto who could not do anything about running away. In addition, the Germans imposed a very strict and severe shared responsibility.
The tragic 21st of July was close. All signs pointed towards preparations of liquidating the ghetto and exterminating the rest of its Jews. The Christian neighbors informed their Jewish acquaintances of this approaching disaster. The terrible news spread in the ghetto. On the 20th of July towards evening, the Jewish craftsmen were commanded to return all the materials given them for orders placed with them. That was the last alarm. That night nobody slept but made preparations to struggle against death.
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Four o’clock before dawn the 21st of July, the Belarussian police surrounded the ghetto. Immediately the Jews set fire to the ghetto in all directions. Each adult settled in a position from which he could attack and greeted the approaching Belarussian murderers with a torrent of stoned prepared ahead of time. It will not be easy to exterminate us. It is better to die in struggle than being led passively to our death – that was the prevailing feeling.
When the Belarussian police, under the leadership of the Germans, saw that their plan failed, started shooting at the Jews with all the weapons they had . Hundreds fell down and the wounded were screaming.
Despite the many casualties, the storming at the fence continued in order to knock down the fence and run away.
Because of the wind, the fire broke even towards the houses outside the ghetto and the murderers were forced to withdraw a bit. After several hours of bitter struggle, the survivors tried to find shelter in the basements, bunkers, and other hiding places. Many committed suicide with poison. Many were burned in their houses or were choked by the smoke in their hiding place. Only very few succeed in breaking through despite the shooting and ran away. I made my way crawling with a group of 23 Jews and arrived at Jewish street. Under the torrent of bullets I managed to be the first to climb the fence. Here a miracle happened. Right in front of me stood a Belarussian policeman, one of my acquaintances. He recognized me and stopped shooting. I took advantage of the few seconds, climbed and jumped over the fence to the other side, took off my pullover and ran through fields and gardens. I jumped over fences like someone chased by Satan and the twenty-three Jews in my footsteps. We reached the Kletsk hill called “Kletsker Val”.
We stayed there a while to plan the rest of our way. Suddenly a torrent of bullets was aimed in our direction. The Germans noticed us, probably. In panic we ran away through marshes in different directions. We crossed the road of Kletsk-Niasviaz’ and through the fields we ran in the direction of Domidov wood. We finally reached the edge of the wood. Here I stopped and saw only five of the twenty three who ran out the ghetto with me. The other were probably hit by the enemy’s bullets and died on the way. The sum total of the dead that day was 900-1500 who died in the ghetto and only twenty succeeded to escape to the nearby woods. The rest 400 Jews were captured by the Nazis and were murdered in Krasnostov forest by the customary Nazi methods.
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Jewish Kletsk ceased to exist on the 21st of July 1942. The fire called for revenge and we swore to revenge. We looked one last time in the direction of our burning city and started walking into the depth of the forest – I the son of Pshpiorke and two refugees from Warsaw. Fear of death left us but we had a feeling of disappointment and despair. We were tired and decided to wait for the evening and try to break through, in the dark, to the district of Kapolia. We heard that there we would find groups of partisans. We sat for several hours and we felt hungry. We decided to return to the edge of the forest, find a farmer’s hut and buy some foodstuff. We found a house. The farmer greeted us with an iron rod. However, when he saw our faces, he put down his rod and urged us to run away since the police was searching for Jewish fugitives in the neighborhood. He agreed to sell us a piece of dry bread and some food and closed the gate. We did not know the way and we decided to give up the plan of walking in the dark.
We lay close to the edge of the forest and in the morning we set out on our way. From time to time we entered a farmer’s house and he would offer us food and drink and show us in what direction to continue. We learned that Kashetzki and his two sons took the same road. We skipped the populated settlements. On the way we met some shepherds who advised us to walk in the direction of the forest of Rayovka where they heard that partisans were dwelling. We reached the place tired and hungry but did not find the partisans. We suddenly heard the noise of shooting. In panic we ran to the near forest. When we came to its edge we heard: “Stop! Who are you?”. “Jews” we called out in response. Finally we were among the partisans.
At first we were disappointed. We were interrogated as to where we came from and what for. Then they detained us for 2 days in the custody of the guard. Every hour, Jews, fugitives from the nearby shtetls, were brought there. Our number increased to more than 20 people. Then we were led to the partisans’ headquarters. The chief greeted us with a long speech in which he scolded us for waiting so long to run away from the ghetto and for not having any ammunition. Then he appointed a commander for us and told us that we have to get food and ammunition on our own because there was no communication with Moscow at that time.
Getting food was not very difficult because the word “partisan” was awe inspiring and the farmers feared us. However, we had no idea where to get ammunition. After a week, the number of our group was 60 and we had just one rifle.
We were ordered to get ammunition from the places we came from. Eleven of the Kletsk survivors decided to go back to Kletsk and get ammunition from the Barracks on Niosvioz’ street. Understandably, to slip empty handed into the barracks, securely guarded by military forces, was impossible. However, there was no other way and we set off.
On the way, we met Lea Fish, Beila Tzipin and Mordechai Gelfand. They were looking for our unit of the partisans. We gave them the appropriate directions and continued walking. After a long search, we managed to buy an old damaged pistol for 200 marks. The farmer promised to bring to our camping place, the next morning, 2 rifles and a machine gun hidden deep in the ground of his farm. Instead, he called Belarussian policemen who started chasing us. We ran fast to escape from them.
As foreseen our mission was a failure. The partisan brigade composed of 5 platoons, numbering 200 people, decided to attack a strong garrison in Subkhoz, two km away from Kapolia, and loot its ammunition. We, the unarmed Jewish platoon, were to be the vanguards and any deserter was subject to death penalty. A miracle occurred and all the attacked guards ran in panic without putting any fight. We did not lose any of our people but we did not succeed in getting our hands on ammunition.
After some time, thanks to information provided by farmers, we discovered in the neighborhood a mass grave of Red Army soldiers. We dug and extracted from the grave 50 broken rifles and 2 machineguns. These weapons were fixed by partisan locksmiths in the forest. We armed ourselves with them and became fighting members of equal right.
We camped in the thick forests in the vicinity of Kapolia. The brigade took the form of a autonomous government on a small scale. We recruited Christian youths from the nearby villages, levied taxes on the farmers, judged and sentenced traitors and spies. No garrison troops or small German military groups could disrupt our routine or penetrate our forests. There were very strict military rules in the partisan brigade. We had various kinds of training, there were orders-of-the-day, there were headquarters, hospitals, commanders and political commissaries and also N.K.V.D. (commissary for internal affairs) – all according to the model of the Soviet army. Except for various frequent attacks of German military groups or Belarussian police stations, and activities to get foodstuff – our life in the forests were relatively calm.
Seventh of November was nearing, the day commemorating the revolution. Preparations were going on for celebrations. The partisans brought in Brandy, slaughtered cattle, and baked and cooked the best dishes. We wished to celebrate the occasion like in Soviet Russia. We did not pay attention to the danger lurking for us. On the morning of the 7th of November the alarm sounded.
Around 12,000 Germans surrounded the forest. We all stood guard in our posts.
The Germans, armed with tanks, mortars, machine guns, etc., opened intense fire at us. Despite their obvious superiority over us, with their ammunition, our people entered the battle fearless. The attackers were driven away and 3 tanks and several armored vehicles were destroyed. The battle lasted till evening. Then, when we saw that the Germans were still storming, we sent a messenger to the two other platoons which were camped 2 km away from ours, on the other side of the forest. The messenger returned to tell us that the two platoons had retreated in an unknown direction and their camps had been captured by the German army. It was difficult to understand the strategies of the headquarters of our brigade – leaving us alone without letting us know what possibilities we had to be delivered from the German blockade. Having no other choice, we tried to look for a way out of the forest. In the dark of night we were divided into two groups and we broke through the blockade through marshes and dark paths, each in another direction with no contact between us. Our whole camp with all the food and ammunition fell into the hands of the enemy. According to reliable information we got from of our farmer-spies, around 700 Germans were killed and wounded that day. We had 40 dead and several wounded. Tired and stumbling we walked all night until we reached a forest in the vicinity of Slutzk. We penetrated deep into the marshes of the forest, we were afraid to set up fires to warm ourselves, lest our tracks might be discovered. Eight days of suffering cold and hunger passed until our patience was at its end. Several volunteers were ready to look for the second group with which we lost contact, to renew the contact with the group and with the brigade.
Indeed, after several days of walking we met again the second group and the brigade and settled down in several villages in the Kapolia district. We rested for a month, got ourselves winter clothes and from there moved to the district of Kresno-Slovoda, an area of thick woods that offered better conditions for winter.
Our platoon became renowned for its strength and prestige. We were always first to pave the path for the rest of the groups.
On the way we learned that the other platoons, when they left the villages were they settled, bumped into German military groups and had difficult combats with them. The Germans retreated, leaving many dead and wounded but the losses of the partisans were also heavy: thirty people were killed. Three days later, the rest of the platoons joined us and together we camped in a forest in the Slovoda district.
A day later, Lithuanians and S.S. launched an attack on our front-guard. Four partisans – 3 Jews and one Christian, blew themselves up after a heavy battle, with the last hand-grenade left to them, so as not to fall alive in the hands of the enemy. The fifth one succeeded to escape. All this did not deter us from staying where we were.
On the third day we decided to attack the police-guard in the village Dniskovitz. However, when we were nearing our destination, we heard a sudden sound of a horn and the noise of an approaching train. In a hurry we threw our grenades at the rails, and placed ourselves in defense-footings. I was sent to the other side of the railway, opposite the footings, to be on guard next to the intersection.
The locomotive was blown in a terrible noise when it reached the grenades. The same moment we greeted the train with a torrent of bullets-fire and grenades. The soldiers and policemen jumped in panic from the train wagons to find some shelter from our fire. We battled for half an hour until we were forced to retreat. About 200 people walked behind the train and tried to surround us. I lay down not far from the locomotive and did not let the Germans proceed. Then, when the shooting subsided, I was left alone with no contact with my group.
I escaped into the depth of the near forest. For two days I wandered alone until I met by chance 2 of my friends from the platoons and returned to the camp. In this operation, the German lost 74 people. We did not suffer any casualties. We were very encouraged by the success of our operation and the Brigade commander decided to send our Jewish platoon to perform additional daring operations.
After some time, a refugee from Warsaw was sent from our platoon to a saw-mill in the village Shworzna, to get out the several hundred of its Jewish workers and bring them to the forest. This decision of the commander of the N.K.V.D, a Soviet Jew, was due to the fact that he was influenced by a group of Jewish partisans from Nisviz’ and valued our opinion. We convinced him to present the plan to the headquarters of the brigade.
In the meantime, the commissar of the brigade chose 75 from our platoon to destroy the police-guard in the nearby village lektushi that disrupted our communication and contact with the districts of Lakhveitch and Barnovitchand with the south-western side of the Kletsk area.
We set out in winter sledges, 4 in each sledge, in a temperature of minus 25 degrees. When we were close to the place, we sent a patrol to study the place. The patrol returned with a positive report except that the commander disappeared. He probably fell into the hands of the policemen. We got the order to proceed, to find at all cost the lost commander and kill all the police guards. In deep snow we crawled and launched an attack. Near the headquarters we opened heavy fire and with “Hura” shouts we penetrating the building. The policemen ran out in panic and fear. Four of them were shot dead on the spot and the rest succeed to escape through an underground camouflaged exit. In this attack we found our commander who was dragged by his legs by the policemen into a hidden bunker. Thanks to our quick and daring attack he was saved from a sure death. At the end of the operation we collected rifles and various kinds of ammunition. We set fire to 8 police dwellings and the headquarters building. From that day on, no policemen were seen in the village which was now under our control.
Our platoon received awards for these successful operations.
Several days after that operation, our messenger returned from Shvorzna with 200 Jews – men, women, and children. They were accepted by the partisans who immediately confiscated all the valuables these Jews had such as gold, silver, watches, etc. They treated us the same way but there was a difference in the attitude and in the measures. We delivered to the partisans whichever items of our belongings we were willing to hand over. No searches were conducted. Shvarzna Jews were searched meticulously.
Their excuse was that the Soviet government needed money. The truth was that the confiscated items disappeared into the pockets of the commanders and we were very furious about this overt discrimination. From the Christians nothing was taken or confiscated. The Jews who came in later, joined the partisans under the same conditions that we were allowed to join. Despite our number and weight we could not help them much. We got 10 rifles for them so they could go out and get foodstuff. Unfortunately, this ammunition did not stay in their hands for long. On the first venture to go for foodstuff, eleven of the Shvorzna Jews were surprised by a police ambush and nine of them were killed.
On the 10th of February 1943, a mass of Germans, fully armed, surrounded our camp site and decided to destroy us at all costs. Naturally, we could not confront them in an open fight. We were forced to retreat deeper into the forest in the districts of Polesia. After running and walking for several days, we met partisan platoons in the neighboring districts.
We were completely isolated, outlets were cut off. The commanders discussed the situation and a decision was reached not to confront the Germans in an open battle, although we had around 20,000 people. We had to break through the marshes which even in winter were not frozen. With the help of the rural population we made it to the canal which made our retreat easier. Thus, we dragged ourselves through the marshes a whole month. The Germans did not manage to get near us. In revenge, they set on fire all the villages and settlements on their way and executed the civilians. Then they retreated. Again we camped for the winter in the thick forest of Tzuchvitz. We rested there for a short while.
On the 20th of March 1943 we were heavily attacked by a German army unit. We defended ourselves in a difficult battle until we were forced to retreat, leaving behind all our property, food, and heavy ammunition.
For several days we wandered in the areas of deep marshes and again started to form united groups. Each platoon of 100 people was allotted a specific area. We were entrusted with the task of moving to the district of Kletsk. The rest were to move to the district of Kapola. We walked carefully through deep marshes, far from any settlement so as not to be attacked by the enemy. The Jews from Shvorzna suffered especially because they were new and had not adapted yet to such conditions of cold and hunger. Eight days later we arrived at a specified destination. There we were supposed to split into various groups – each with its own specified direction.
We were again attacked by the Germans. We were unable to fight and were forced to spread in the thick of the forests. Several days later we united again and continued on our way. This time walking was especially difficult because we were depressed. In this critical situation communist-partisans did not hide their anti-Semite attitude towards the Jews. Several days previously, Christian commanders tried to unload ammunition off the Jewish partisans. Only the latter’s courageous sharp resistance caused this plan to fail. Not one Jew paid with his life for refusing to give away his weapon when a Russian commander coveted his weapon. The particular courageous Jew who freed the Jewish workers of Shvorzna was executed when he refused to hand over his pistol. Jews lost their life in the hands of anti-Semitic villains. Unfortunately, we had no choice. Being in the partisan camps was our only chance to survive.
The Christian commanders issued an order to leave here and there groups of men, women and children, to their unknown fate, without ammunition and food. They argued that these people were of no use, and were just a burden on the partisans. Begging and crying did not help. We departed from those miserable souls with rage and pain. We knew perfectly well that they were doomed but we could not help. Every resistance was punished by death.
After a long painful walk we reached the village Mashuki near Halinka. We were entrusted with the mission to blow up the railways line of Branovitch-Minsk. We were a group of 10 people and it took us six week to fulfil the task. In the end, after many trials, we had to give up the mission and blow up only the line Baranovitch-Hantzevitch.
When we returned to the Mashoki wood, we met again a group of Jews who had just escaped from the nearby shtetls. They were hungry and unarmed. Except for them, we did not find any partisan of our platoon.
We gave them several rifles that we looted on our mission, and set out to join our platoon which in the meanwhile moved to the district of Kapolia. From there we moved to the Razin forest in the district of Kletsk. Our platoon camped there until the arrival of the Red Army on June 1944.
By an order from Moscow, the partisans were to disrupt the retreat of the German army. We opened sequential blowing up of railways – day and night.
In January 1944 I became sick in my leg.
Shortly afterwards our platoon moved to the district of Yakhvitz. A group of 20 people – I among them – were left because of their sickness in our commissariat, which was deserted when the partisans advanced to the West. We joined a second Brigade which settled in our old camp. Then our partisan-kingdom grew bigger with commissariat, ammunition, bases of aviation, and radio stations.
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The first of June 1944 was our big and happy day. The first files of the Red Army reached us. After four years of suffering and hell we breathed freely. Four days after the liberation of Kletsk, our brigade settled in the village Kaplanovitz and the Estate Radzivilimont near Kletsk. Most of the Partisans were then recruited to the army and the rest were appointed to various positions in the offices of the Soviet authorities in their process of being organized. I was among those who got a position in these offices. On the 1st of August my feet stood once again on the streets of the city of my birth, from which I fled two years previously. It is difficult to describe the feelings and thoughts that filled my heart and mind. On the one hand I was happy for having witnessed the defeat of the German. On the other hand – seeing the bare reality made me cry. Where am I going? Who and what is there for me? I still have to go and see the pits where the bones of my loved ones are lying.
The beautiful shtetl had disappeared together with its Jews. Half of the main street was destroyed and burned down and the market place was gone. Rubbles were around it, burnt down houses, skeletons of walls that fire could not consume and of a “Tiger” Nazi tank that the Russians destroyed in the last battle when they liberated Kletsk. Here is the synagogue, the ghetto area, the Jewish street leading to the Catholic Church. On the Zarnovi street, only one building survived as a memorial. Radzimont street with its alleys had totally disappeared. Traces of the fire could be seen on Niasviaz’ street.
A strong feeling of revenge took hold of me in connection with the neighbors, the Belarussian farmers – blood hounds and looters, who were awaiting our extermination. I recalled, that when I ran away from the ghetto, I chanced to hear farmers from the neighboring villages shouting with rage : “eta ani podpalili geto” (those are the ones who set the ghetto on fire). Now I understood the meaning of those shouts, and I burnt with the wish to revenge.
I believed in the integrity of the Soviet rule, and in view of having been a partisan and my service in the government I did not expect any difficulty in bringing the guilty to trial. However, I was disappointed to find out that the Soviet authorities and their clerks were uninterested and indifferent.. How can we explain this conduct of the local authorities? I recalled the injustices that we, Jews, encountered in the partisan camps. Now these former partisans became clerks in the governmental offices. Nazi poison gave push to the anti-Semite instincts even among the soviet population.
I was forced to adapt to the soviet rule and wait for the opportune day to leave Kletsk. In the meantime my world and life were full of my personal needs and worries. I came out of the forest penniless. The when one could enter a farmer’s house and get what one wished - were over. This was our situation, the few Jews who returned to the city – each with his own suffering and worries. Our salary was scant. We could buy things in the free market but the prices were high and an official market was not available as yet. We had to look for ways and means to get the bare necessities. With begging and then with threats I managed to get from a farmer - once our neighbor and then a participant in looting our property after the first massacre – a pair of boots and a piece of khaki material for pants. Later I was called to appear before the local council of the communist party to explain how I got them… My bitterness heightened. I sometimes longed for my past life in the forests…
Days and months passed until the signing of the contract of repatriation between the USSR and free Poland. I asked to be released from my position but my request was rejected. On June 1945, I left my job. After 3 years of wandering on the borders and camps in Germany, Paris and Cypress, I finally came to Israel.
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Notes: [[notes text here]] Judenrat